against the bill so severe, that they would not persevere
in requiring the execution of the convention. The
purpose of the bill was to carry out a convention agreed
to by the late government, and he had naturally
anticipated their support.

The New Zealand Bill passed through committee.

In the HOUSE of COMMONS, on Thursday, May 27th,
Lord STANLEY, in reply to questions put by Lord D.
Stuart and other members, gave full details of the Case
of Mr. Murray, the sum of which was, that upon a
charge of having connived at murders committed at
Ancona, he had been arrested by order of the Papal
government, detained in prison from July 1849 until
November, 1851, tried by a special tribunal, convicted,
and sentenced to death, the execution of which sentence
he was, according to the last advices, awaiting at
Ancona; and that the British consul at that city had been
instructed to use every effort to procure at least a
mitigation of the sentence.

On Friday, May 28, some discussion took place
respecting the above case. Lord D. STUART thought
the British authorities had not paid sufficient attention
to the matter to ensure Mr. Murray a fair trial.—Lord
STANLEY contended that there was no ground for
assuming that Mr. Murray's case had been neglected.
At the present time every effort was being made by the
British government to protect Mr. Murray from being
made the victim of injustice—if any such injustice had
been practised towards him.—Lord PALMERSTON gave
his willing testimony to the zeal and activity exhibited
by the British authorities in the case of Mr. Murray.
In reference to British relations with the Court of Rome,
he reminded the house that that court had never refused
to receive a British minister charged with a specific and
temporary duty. The house adjourned to Thursday
the 3rd of June.

On that day the house resumed its sittings. A
discussion took place on the subject of the State of Public
Business, in the course of which Sir James GRAHAM
accused the government of having brought forward a
number of measures which were not of immediate
urgency, and which could not receive proper
deliberation in the course of the present session. After
enumerating these bills, he concluded by saying that, if
care were not taken, such proceedings would bring
representative government into disrepute. After some
observations from different members, the CHANCELLOR
of the EXCHEQUER said that on Monday he would state
what were the intentions of the government with respect
to the public business. The house then went into
committee of supply upon the Civil Service Estimates.
Certain votes were agreed to, after much discussion, in
the course of which a conversation of some interest
occurred on the vote for the combined system of National
Education in Ireland.—Mr. WALPOLE having disavowed
any intention on the part of the government to supersede
the system, Sir J. GRAHAM pressed him to say not
merely what was not, but what was, their intention.—
Mr. WALPOLE replied that he thought it was worthy
of consideration whether some portion of the grant
might not be applied to those who from conscientious
motives objected to the present mode of distribution.

On Friday, June 4, on the motion for the house
resolving itself into committee on the New Zealand
Government Bill, Sir John PAKINGTON explained to the
house the alterations which he contemplated making in
the bill, in order that it might confer upon the colonists
the best possible government consistent with a due
regard to imperial considerations. He had received
suggestions from several quarters of the house with a
view to the improvement of the measure, and had had
some consultation also on the subject with gentlemen
from New Zealand. He had given an anxious consideration
to these suggestions and opinions, which related
chiefly to two points—the mode of appointing the
superintendents, and the manner in which the New Zealand
land company was to be dealt with. As regarded the
appointment of the superintendents, he proposed that,
instead of being appointed by the governor, they should
be elected by the same constituencies that elected the
members of the legislature, and that their salaries should
be left to be decided upon by the principal legislature.
In reference to the New Zealand land company, he was
of opinion that he was bound by the agreement which
was sanctioned by the act of 1847. He was not
answerable for that agreement, and even if it was a very
favourable one for the company, he thought himself
bound, nevertheless, to see that the company should not
by this bill be placed in a worse position than they were
placed in by that act. He would, therefore, not insist
on the stipulation that 5s. per acre on all lands sold
should be paid to the company, which might affect their
interests unfavourably, but would propose that one-
fourth of the proceeds of all sales of land should be paid
to the company. The right hon. baronet drew attention
to the likelihood of gold being found in New Zealand,
and said that in anticipation of such an event he had
drawn up a clause, giving to the local legislatures the
power of dealing with the revenues to be thereby derived,
in accordance with the rule which the government had
arrived at with respect to the Australian colonies, and
the advices relative to which decision he had forwarded
to Australia by Thursday's mail.—The house then went
into committee. The clauses up to 74 were agreed to,
after which the house resumed.

On Monday, June 7th, Mr. BERNAL took occasion to
advert to the Calamitous Condition of the Island of
Jamaica, through the deficiency of labourers; and to
inquire of the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether
he was prepared to initiate, or promote, or confirm any
effort for affording Jamaica, and other colonies in the
same category, a proper supply of labour?—Sir J.
PAKINGTON said, that the question having been put to
him unexpectedly, he could return only a general
answer. This subject had engaged his attention long
before he had entered into office, and since then he had
received from delegates and from other sources painful
representations of the distressed condition of the island
of Jamaica, and of the particular causes of that distress.
The cholera, being a visitation of Providence, did not
touch the legislation or policy of this country; but,
irrespective of that visitation, he had always thought
that the distress of the colonies must be traced in a large
degree to the policy adopted by this country in 1846.
Upon a careful consideration of the subject, however,
her Majesty's government did not think themselves
justified, under the circumstances, and in their present
position, in making the case of Jamaica, painful as it
was, an exception to the general rule they had laid
down. The duties of the Colonial office had been
overwhelming, but three or four days ago he had
communicated with one of the senior clerks of the West India
department of that office, and had desired him, as soon
as the pressure of business relaxed, to prepare all the
necessary papers, in order that he (Sir John) might
direct his attention as speedily as possible to two
important points,—the supply of labour, and the present
state of the labour laws in the colonies.—The report of
the Committee of Supply was then brought up and
agreed to.—The house then went again into committee
of supply on the Civil Service Estimates, which occupied
the remainder of the morning sitting.

At the evening sitting, some explanations were given
by Sir J. PAKINGTON as to the negotiations respecting
the British American Railway, similar to those given
in the house of lords by the Earl of Derby.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER, in fulfilment
of his promise to state the views of the government in
respect to the Business before the House, adverted to the
speech of Sir J. Graham on Thursday night, which was
calculated, he said, to arrest public attention, and to
produce considerable effect upon the house. According
to the right hon. baronet, the state of public business in
that house was highly unsatisfactory, there being, he
stated, a vast accumulation of matters of a highly
important and pressing character, whence he had inferred
that there was reason to apprehend that representative
government itself might be brought into disrepute. Sir
James had very properly laid stress upon the bills for
legal reform—the Common Law Procedure Bill, the
Equitable Jurisdiction Bill, and the Masters in Chancery
Abolition Bill; all of which had been read a second