unscrupulous speech in the organs and advocates of
exclusive opinions which had more or less lain
dormant since the Reform Bill. Thus Lord Derby's
whipper-in and Secretary-at-War, Mr. Beresford, tells
the multitude of non-electors who crowded round the
hustings in North Essex, that from his heart he
despises them as the vilest rabble he ever saw. Thus
Lord Derby's Attorney-general, when a poor man
interrupts him at Stamford with a cry for a bigger
loaf than the Marquis of Exeter is disposed to let
his independent members vote for, wishes that the
loaf in question were sticking in the throat of the poor
man who clamoured for it. Thus, in the language of
a Derbyite organ, Sir James Graham is a traitor, and
the people who elected him in Carlisle a pack of
runaway debtors from all parts of the kingdom. Thus,
in the same choice phraseology, the whole mass of
Mr. Bernal Osborne's supporters in Middlesex are Jews,
radicals, socialists, chartists, blockheads—everything but
Englishmen. Even Mr. Disraeli catches the infection;
and a parliamentary opposition led by such men as
Lord John Russell, Sir James Graham, Mr. Gladstone,
and Mr. Cobden, suggests no politer simile to the
quondam radical protégé of Mr. Hume in the days of
the Reform Bill, than that of a snail developing its
horns and emerging "in the slime of sedition!"

And if Mr. Beresford set the example of such foul
speech at this General Election, he is also thus early
marked out by very strong suspicion as its most active
leader in another department of dirty work, for which
it promises to be not less worthy of note and
remembrance. "A good and safe man, with judgment and
quickness, is wanted immediately at Derby," are the
apparently innocent words signed "W. B.," and
addressed to one Mr. Frail of Shrewsbury (pre-eminently
frail by nature as well as name, if Sir James
Graham be a credible witness), which, found upon
the person of a mysterious possessor of small bags
of gold in a garret above a wash-house at the County
Tavern in Derby, turned out to be instructions
for the good, safe, judicious, and quick corruption
and bribery of the electors for the city of Derby, in
the handwriting of Lord Derby's Secretary at War.
To be sure it is suggested by the Ministerial print, that
what "W. B." wrote for was nothing more than "an
adroit poll-clerk;" that he wrote for an adroit poll-
clerk to the adroitest proficient in bribery throughout
the three kingdoms; and that all the rest is
"a foully concocted fraud, contrived to ruin an
innocent man, and through him to damage the Earl of
Derby's government;"—nor is it at all unlikely, since
the magistrates have bailed the mysterious man of
the garret and sovereigns, that his flight and forfeiture
of bail may at no great cost to the suspected prevent
pursuit of the inquiry. But on the other hand the
alleged "W. B." himself protests he will have the
inquiry pursued, and that there shall be exposed
"bare and broad to the public view as gross a case of
conspiracy, combined falsehood, and vile subornation
as ever was brought before a committee of the House of
Commons." This was at a dinner in celebration of
his election; where, however, he carefully avoided
further committing himself to the W. B. letter either
by confession or denial, though he had no such scruple
in falling foul of the Morning Chronicle, whose editor
he said he knew, and had the pleasure of sitting
occasionally on the same sofa with him, in the same club.
The whipper-in sitting on the same sofa with the editor
suggests certainly sad reflections. "Such," exclaims
Mr. Beresford, pathetically, "such is the state of society!
We are subjected to the intrusion of those who make
use of all our intimate associations, who come to the same
club as ourselves, and who write letters and leading
articles impugning our conduct and blackening our
characters at the very same table at which we ourselves are
engaged in our honest avocations." That writing leaders
is not an honest avocation it is here very obviously
Mr. Beresford's meaning to assert, and the editor of
the Morning Chronicle as obviously thinks it equally
savouring of a dishonest avocation to belong to the
Carlton Club, for with unusual energy he denies the
imputation, and flatly contradicts Mr. Beresford. Non
nostrúm tantas, &c. But as notice has been taken
of Mr. Beresford's contempt for the non-electoral
"rabble," it is fair to add what transpired on this
subject at that same dinner in North Essex. The
"rabble," it would seem, have an odd habit of
remembering vile words applied to themselves, for when
Mr. Beresford was passing to the dinner, they hooted
him, and one of their number even pelted him.
This, however, was a circumstance they had soon
reason particularly to lament over, for it turned out
that the object of their wrath had actually come to
the determination, if well treated on that occasion,
that he would not insult them again! This great
opportunity therefore was lost. Here are his very
words: "I did not consider, after our easy victory
and triumphant return, that it would be noble or proper
to trample on those we have beaten." A genuinely
magnanimous state of mind, all will admit. "I came
here," pursued Mr. Beresford, "to throw myself
on the kindness even of the very lowest classes." And
what was his reward for that frame of mind? As a
Christian he does not venture to characterise it. He
leaves it to others. "Whether those intentions have
been properly met by the lowest classes I leave those
present to judge." There could of course (none of the
"lowest'' or the "very lowest classes" being present)
be only one answer; and nothing could equal the
enthusiam of that North Essex dinner party, when
their ill-used yet forbearing friend, galled as he might
well have been by these additional provocations, yet
nobly quitted the subject by throwing out a frank
proposal for an amnesty. "I shall not henceforth recur
to any ugly terms if they will only let me alone."

But whether or not Mr. Beresford is to be "let alone,"
and whether or not "W. B." receive his deserts, there
can be no mistaking the sounds of eager preparation
already audible in Palace-yard and its purlieus. The
sickles of the lawyers are getting ready for a rich
harvest of petitions. Details of cases unexampled in the
annals of intimidation and corruption are thus early
and freely canvassed. The late Home Secretary, no
reckless accuser, made significant allusion on the
hustings of North Northumberland to the gross influences
exerted against him. A cry, as from people under
torture, has been heard from every borough in the
kingdom accessible in any way to Government control.
The Chandos-clause has proved itself all powerful
in the counties. The act for the punishment
of bribery has been everywhere treated as waste paper.
Every exertion has been made, every agency employed,
every fair or foul expedient exhausted. And with what
result? It is generally admitted that the change
effected in the state of parties cannot reach to more
than eight or ten additional Derbyite votes, counting
sixteen or twenty in division. Mr. Beresford himself,
with a doubtful forecast of his first "whip," is fain
to admit that "we are not so flourishing in every exact
particular as we could wish. "The liberals have in truth
a clear majority over the ministerialists of about forty,
but between the two there is a floating balance of
about six and thirty Peelites, who may upon occasion
depress that majority to four, or raise it to seventy-six.
More considerable than the changes in numbers,
however, are the changes in men. Violent and extreme
opinions are more abundantly represented. The
house has lost some of its extravagant bores, but also
not a few of its moderate and reasonable members.
Mr. Macaulay returns to the delight of all, and Mr.