of appeal to the County Court in England, the Sheriff
Court in Scotland, and the Assistant Barristers' Court
in Ireland, in cases where the sum payable for duty on
the assessments in question does not exceed fifty
pounds.

The consideration of the Government of India Bill
was resumed in committee, commencing with the 5th
clause.—Mr. BRIGHT moved an amendment on clause 9,
providing that six of the directors should be selected
from persons who had resided ten years in India,
without any specification of service to the Crown or the
company.—Sir C. WOOD consented to the amendment,
which was adopted, after some discussion.—The clause
was then agreed to, and, on the motion of Mr. Bright,
the chairman reported progress.

Assistant Judge (Middlesex Sessions) Bill.—Sir J.
SHELLEY moved that this bill be committed that day
three months, but withdrew his motion after some
discussion, in the course of which the bill met with
considerable support. Tlie house accordingly went into
committee. Sir J. SHELLEY moved the omission of the
second clause relating to the retiring pension.—On a
division, the amendment was rejected by 81 to 53, and
the clause agreed to.

The ATTORNEY–GENERAL moved the second reading
of the Newspapers Stamp Duties bill, and explained its
object, which was, while upholding the decision of the
Court of Exchequer, to exempt monthly publications
from the stamp, to establish the law, and make it uniform
with regard to all newspapers without regard either to
size or price.—After a short discussion, the bill was read
a second time.

On Friday, July 15, Mr. MILES demanded of Lord J.
Russell whether it were intended by government to
proceed against the priests Burke and Clune for their
conduct at the Sixmile–bridge Affair, into the history
of which he entered at considerable length, in order to
prove the complicity of those persons in the outrages.—
After some observations from Mr. MILNE, Lord PALMERSTON
remarked that this subject had been frequently
and amply discussed in both houses of parliament. The
government had originally intended to prosecute these
priests, but the advisers of the Irish government had
recommended differently, and it was not intended to
order further proceedings. They were not necessary as
examples, subsequent elections having gone off peaceably.
He would state, however, that the government distinctly
condemned the conduct of the priests in question,
although it had not been so different from that of the
Irish priesthood in general as to be made a subject for
prosecution. He was bound to say that many of the
Roman Catholic clergy, from the highest to the lowest,
had conducted themselves at the elections in a way
calculated to cause great pain to those who desired that
ministers of religion should preserve the respect due to
their office. Had Protestant clergymen acted in a
similar manner, there would have been an outcry all
over the kingdom. At the same time, allowances might
be made for the circumstances of the political crisis at
the last elections, and the apprehensions under which
the Irish priesthood then laboured. Advising that a
veil should be drawn over the past, he deprecated the
continuance of the discussion.—Mr. HUME made the
circumstances referred to a reason for recommending the
ballot.—Colonel NORTH denied that the priests had
ceased to interfere in elections.—Serjeant SHEE
protested against the charges which had been brought
against the Irish priesthood, and said that there would
be no peace in Ireland until her grievances should be
redressed.—Mr. MALINS considered that Burke and
Clune ought to have been prosecuted, and he believed
that conviction would have followed. The Catholic
priests regarded every political event as a crisis. He
urged that a country in subjection to such influences
was unfit for the franchise, and he hoped that Lord J.
Russell would take steps either to put down priestly
intimidation or to disfranchise Ireland. Lord J.
RUSSELL expressed his hope that a discussion which
would come to no result might now give way to
important business.—Mr. MILES said that he had done his
duty in bringing the subject forward.—Mr. LUCAS
would not desire to screen priests who exceeded their
legitimate limits, but said that they would fail in their
duty if they did not warn their flocks against certain
candidates as enemies of their religion, and the attempt
to repress such an exercise of influence would be insane.
Assailing the conduct of Irish landlords, he asserted
that at the Sligo election a placard had been issued,
stating that Lord Palmerston's tenants were free to vote
as they pleased, and that in twenty–four hours his lord–
ship's agent had contradicted the statement.—Lord
PALMERSTON explained that he had written to his
agent, stating for whom he would desire that his tenants
should vote; but adding that they were to vote as they
pleased, and that no consequences would arise to any
man who might take his own course. But an application
was made to his agent, on the part of many of his
tenants, that they might be taken to Sligo, as otherwise,
the priests and their adherents would fall upon them,
and compel them to vote against their wishes, and the
result was that forty of them had to be taken to Sligo,
and locked up in a house, in order to be saved from the
apprehended violence of the priests. A mob of 2000
men, headed by a priest armed with a gun, was stated
to be in waiting for an obnoxious individual.

This discussion having terminated, the house went
into committee on the Government of India Bill. The
principal subject of consideration was the 10th clause,
which permits directors, including those nominated and
removeable by the Crown, to sit in parliament.—Lord
JOCELYN moved an amendment to strengthen the
independence of the nominees, by making them irremovable
except on the joint address of the two houses. This
was negatived by 90 to 43.—Mr. BRIGHT then moved
the omission of the clause; in which he was supported
by Mr. Cobden, Lord Stanley, Mr. Milner Gibson,
Mr. Rich, and Mr. Vernon Smith; the clause being
defended by Sir Charles Wood, Lord John Russell, and
Sir James Hogg. The amendment was negatived by
139 to 79.—On clause 12, Mr. HUME moved to substitute
declaration for oath; an amendment, like a very similar
one by Mr. J. B. Smith, negatived by a large majority.
—Clause 13, which prohibited canvassing, was
abandoned by Sir Charles Wood, at the instance of Mr.
Bright, who regarded it as inoperative. Clause 14
was affirmed, and the house resumed.

On the report of the Election Expenses Bill some
objections were made to the measure, in which Col.
SIBTHORP was conspicuous. The bill, said the colonel,
was "shabby, moan, low, dirty, and paltry." Further,
it was "slavish and degrading," and unbecoming a
member of the house, who could be a "conservative"
only as far as his pockets were concerned to agree to it.
He moved that the further consider.ation of the bill be
postponed for three months. After some further
proceedings the debate was adjourned.

On Monday, July 18, Mr. BRIGHT moved for a select
committee to inquire into the allegations contained in
petitions from Peterborough, complaining of the
Interference of Earl Fitzwilliam at Elections. Mr. Bright
read extracts from the petition, in order to show the
extent to which the Fitzwilliam influence, by means of
the Fitzwilliam property, had been maintained in the
city. So paramount and crushing was that influence
that the electors would be content to allow Earl
Fitzwilliam to return one representative if they were
permitted to return the other.—Mr. FITZWILLIAM
seconded the motion, believing inquiry to be necessary
for the vindication of Lord Fitzwilliam's character.
The motion was agreed to after some further discussion.

The Succession Duty Bill, a speech in opposition
to it from Mr. LIDDELL, was read a third time. On
the motion that it should pass, several amendments
were moved and negatived on divisions; and ultimately
the bill passed by 176 to 131.

The consideration of the Government of India Bill
was then resumed in committee.—Mr. HUME moved an
amendment on the 22nd clause, to allow two native
gentlemen to be included in the legislative council.—Sir
C. WOOD was of opinion that instead of making the
introduction of natives compulsory, the system which
had been commenced of giving them increased power,
should be left gradually to develop, as the natives themselves
advanced in capacity.—Lord STANLEY wished to
elevate the natives, but did not consider that the
amendment prescribed the best mode of accomplishing