denounced the proceedings of her ambassador at
Constantinople. He deprecated the attempt to erect an
independent Greek empire in Turkey, which, divided
as Turkey was into antagonistical portions, would be
broken up, like the Byzantine empire, by similar causes.
The very moment that Constantinople passed from the
hands of the Turks, British India would be in jeopardy.
Mere assurances by Russia were not enough; she should
have been called upon to disarm, and precautions should
have been taken against her movements. Had she been
told that if she entered the Turkish territories it would
have been considered a casus belli, she would not have
dared to cross the Pruth. Russia had now gained what she
wanted; she had shown that she could enter Moldavia and
Wallachia whenever she chose with impunity, whereas
those principalities ought to be made, with Bessarabia,
a barrier between her and Turkey. He believed that,
without having fired a single shot, Russia had gained
advantages which would have repaid a fierce campaign,
while we had lowered ourselves in the eyes of all
nations. The note prepared by Austria had been
jumped at by Russia; if Turkey refused the terms, we
must now join Russia against her, and if Turkey, under
this terrible pressure, did accept them, we sanctioned
the interference of Russia on behalf of 12,000.000
Greeks, not Greeks by nation only, but by religion.
Had the cases been reversed, and Turkey had invaded
the principalities, she would have been required not
merely to evacuate them, but to pay all expenses and
make an ample apology; and nothing less would satisfy
the ends of justice.—Sir J. PAKINGTON said that Lord
J. Russell's statement was unsatisfactory.—Lord D.
STUART disapproved of the conduct of the government
in these transactions and censured with asperity the
proceedings of Russia.—Mr. MILNES thought Lord D.
Stuart had borne too hardly upon the government,
though he could not but say that they would have
improved their position if they had shown a little more
confidence in parliament.—Mr. MUNTZ was of opinion
that if we had had a different government a Russian
army would never have marched into the Turkish
territory. The country felt, he said, that all sense of
national honour was lost, and that we were governed by
pounds, shillings, and pence.—Mr. COBDEN said, everybody
seemed to agree that the conduct of Russia had
been treacherous and violent, and to rejoice that the
occurrence had brought about a sincere alliance between
England and France. The opinions expressed by Lord
J. Russell were those of the people of England, for he
believed even Birmingham would rather support his
pacific policy than precipitate the country into a war.
Still there was a feeling of uneasiness in this country
respecting Turkey; but there was at the same time a
growing conviction in men's minds that the integrity
and independence of the Turkish empire, as a maxim of
policy, had become an empty phrase and nothing more.
It was considered that the Turks in Europe were
intruders, that their home was Asia; and that the
progress of events had demonstrated that a Mahommedan
power could not be maintained in Europe. The
independence of a country that could not maintain itself
could not be upheld, and a fact had now become
prominent, that for every Turk in European Turkey
there were three Christians. And what was the feeling
of the Christian population of Turkey towards their
rulers? He believed that, in the interior, it was not
favourable, and, if he were a rayah subject of the Porte,
he should say, "Give me any Christian government
rather than a Mahommedan." This feeling of the
Christian part of the population in Turkey would
become an important part of the subject, and we should
have to address our minds to the question hereafter what
we were going to do with Turkey, for we must not
think that we could keep Turkey as it is. Mr. Cobden
ridiculed the notion of going to war for tariffs, the
futility of which policy experience had proved, and he
contended that the importance of the trade with Turkey
had been overrated. He maintained that all our commerce
in the Black Sea was owing to Russian encroachments
there. What could a country like Turkey,
without roads, contribute to the commerce of the world?
The balance of power might be all very well, but he
protested against its being argued that we were bound,
in the interest of England, to maintain Turkey. A
good deal was said about the Russian power; but how
absurd to talk of a Russian army invading England!
Why, she could not move her forces across her own
frontier without a loan. If England engaged in war, it
would be attended with consequences which the present
generation had not reflected upon, or they would not
talk so glibly about war. The government, he thought,
had done wisely, for themselves as well as the country,
in disregarding the taunts of thoughtless men and resisting
the cry for war, and he did not blame them for adhering
to the traditional policy of maintaining the integrity of
Turkey.—Lord PALMERSTON replied to Mr. Cobden.—
That gentleman, he said, had begun by talking of
maintaining the independence of Turkey, and ended with
endeavouring to show that Turkey was not worth defending.
If he had stood there as an avowed advocate of Russia
he could not have dared to pursue a course more
calculated to assist her views. Mr. Cobden had forgotten
the principles of free trade, of which he had been so
staunch a defender. Did he not know that the
commercial system of Russia was eminently restrictive
and prohibitory, while that of Turkey was the most
liberal of any country with which we had commercial
relations? The resources of Turkey, which were
constantly improving, tended to make her commerce every
year more valuable to this country. Mr. Cobden,
again, was a great advocate of non-interference, and
what was the matter which he specially recommended
to the government? "What shall we do with the
Turkish empire?" Mr. Cobden regarded it as a rotten
fabric, and thought it was high time to consider what
we should do with the country when we got rid of the
Mahommedans. But he (Lord Palmerston) did not
agree that the Turkish empire was in a state of decay;
he held its maintenance to be not only desirable, but
worth contending for. Turkey, so far from having
gone back in the last thirty years, had made more
improvements in social and moral concerns and in religious
tolerance than any other country. "So far, therefore,"
(continued Lord Palmerston,) "from going with the
hon. gentleman in that sort of political slang which is
the fashion among those who want to partition and
devour Turkey—so far from talking of Turkey as a dead
body, an expiring body, or something that cannot be
kept alive—I am satisfied that if you will only keep
out of it those who want to get into it—if you will only
leave those that are in it to deal with it in the way in
which they are now dealing with it, there are countries
in Europe to which the hon. gentleman has referred,
that are in much more danger of sudden dissolution
from internal causes than Turkey. Turkey, it is certain,
has no Poland and no Siberia. I must say that I never
heard a speech more likely than that of the hon.
gentleman to discourage a government from pursuing the
course of policy which he ostensibly recommends, or
more likely to damp the proper feeling of the country
in support of that government. I am happy to say,
however, that it is the only speech of such a nature that
we have heard to-night, and I trust that it will not
mislead any persons beyond the limits of this country
who might be misled by such statements. I trust that
the great preponderance of proper feeling and of proper
sentiment upon the subject which the discussion of this
evening has elicited, will prove to all Europe what are
the sentiments of the British parliament, and what is
the fixed determination of the British nation. This
discussion will show that the policy of her Majesty's
government has the support of parliament, and the
consent and approval of the country; and that, although
there may be persons who may wish to see Russia
extend her conquests over Turkey, such is not the wish
of the British nation; but that the government of
England, supported by the people of England, are
determined to maintain the independence of a country
which we think it essential to maintain independent
both for political and commercial reasons. We do not
mean to go with the hon. gentleman into a re-arrangement
of the Turkish empire; we do not attempt to
dictate to barbarians, or slaves, or Greeks, or
Mussulmans, who shall be their governors, or what shall be
their form of government. It has been the policy of
her Majesty's government to give such advice to the