certain of the great Powers of Europe. Not by a
perfect machinery, but yet by a machinery better than
no machinery at all, the same influence of the great
Powers was used for the purpose of bringing to a termination
the divisions and civil war which afflicted Spain.
In other European questions a similar influence has been
exercised with similar effect. In the case of the Ottoman
dominions themselves, in the year 1840, a war between
the Pacha of Egypt and the Sultan was brought to a
termination by the influence and agency of the great
European Powers. The kingdom of Greece was relieved
from the desolating scourges of war by a similar action
on the part of the great Powers of Europe. It is a
great blessing, that so much at any rate should be
achieved. It is quite clear that these are cases in
which the effusion of human blood has either been
prevented, or at all events its continuance has been
shortened, by positive intervention, and by intervention
altogether to be distinguished from that principle of
meddlesome intervention which would involve us in
particular quarrels, because it is not the intervention of
one officious state undertaking to settle all the affairs of
its neighbours,—it is, in the main, the intervention or
agency of states who, in the combined affairs of Europe,
have a right to say to Europe, with something, at any
rate, like authority—to say to particular corners and
portions of Europe, 'You shall not prejudice the general
peace, and you shall not set us all by the ears on
account of your little petty local interests;' and to
recommend to them arrangements which upon the
whole it has been found for the interest and compatible
with the satisfaction of parties to embrace. The way
of peace and negociation is undoubtedly devoid of that
romantic interest which attaches to heroic achievements
in war. I fully admit it is liable to be beset and clogged
with delays, and intrigue, and chicane. That is quite
true; but if the result is the saving of the effusion of
human blood, and the averting the calamity which would
disturb the operations of industry and deprive nations of
their subsistence, surely the sacrifice is small, and
surely the reward is adequate. Now, Mr. Mayor,
I have detained you much longer—led onwards, I
must say, by your kindness and indulgence—much
longer in regard to a matter of foreign policy, than
I had intended. The Chancellor of the Exchequer,
you must know, in his official capacity, is opposed
pretty nearly to all wars; at the same time, the
present Chancellor of the Exchequer, in his official
capacity, is really of opinion that financial arrangements,
good financial arrangements, are among the most
important preparations for war, when war is necessary;
and I frankly own that, as far as finance is concerned, I
really don't think that England has often been better
prepared than she is at this moment. Matters have been
reduced to a state of simplicity; and, as I adverted to
certain persons who were more anxious for resort to arms
than I could wish, I really suppose that those gentlemen
are satisfied with the present legislative acceptance of
the income-tax by the mass of the people, and its being
embodied in an act of Parliament for the term of seven
years. They think it might be very convenient to introduce
a bill that may double, perhaps triple, that income-tax;
a very simple operation, I assure you, as far as the
House of Commons is concerned. About twelve months
since we had another measure that promised a good deal
of money—namely, doubling the house-tax; perhaps,
possibly, there might be a portion of the community with
whom that measure would become very popular. At
any rate, I assure you that it is not in my separate
capacity, as having the peculiar charge of the public
finances, that I deprecate war; it is because we are all
of us advisers of the crown, necessarily dependent one
and all in this great and vital subject of European policy;
and because, whether as a minister, a Christian, or a
man, I cannot but feel that those are the principles by
which the government will endeavour to secure, as you
have stated, 'the honour of the crown and the best
interests of the country.'" The remainder of Mr.
Gladstone's speech was upon commercial and financial
topics. He was enthusiastically cheered by the crowded
assembly.

From the usual Abstract of the Revenue for the years
and quarters ended 10th October 1852 and 1853, it
appears that the increase on the year in the Customs was
£361,519, and on the quarter, £120,667. In all the ordinary
departments of the revenue, except the
Miscellaneous, there is an increase on the year; but the
quarterly return is not quite so favourable. The
Post-office shows an unexplained falling off to the extent of
£25,000; and the Assessed Taxes show a deficiency of
£29,896 In the amount derived from the Property-tax
there is an increase of £204,191 on the year, but only
£21,467 on the quarter; which, however, affords no
indication of what the extension of the tax will produce,
as the first half-year did not fall due till after the 10th
October. As regards the tax on Successions, it will be a
considerable time before any precise estimate can be
formed of what it is likely to produce. Taking into
account the reduction of Tea and Sugar duties, both of
which have been in operation for the last three months,
and the abolition of the Soap and Advertisement duties,
the returns for the quarter are highly favourable. On
the three items of Customs, Excise, and Stamps, the
total increase amounts to £224,883. High wages and
full employment are sufficient to account for this
satisfactory state of things.

A Deputation from the Borough of Southwark,
headed by Mr. Thomas Duncombe, member for the
Borough, waited on the Earl of Clarendon on the 21st,
in pursuance of a public meeting at which resolutions
had been passed, condemning the practice of secrecy in
diplomacy, as calculated to keep the people of this
country in ignorance as regarded their foreign relations;
referring to the misunderstanding at present existing
between Russia and Turkey; and pledging the meeting
to support the government in resisting the encroachments
of Russia on the Turkish Empire. An address
to this effect having been read. Lord Clarendon replied.
He justified the conduct of the government in withholding
explanations on the subject of the Turkish question.
"There is no one," he said, "who more fully than
myself recognises the entire right of the people of this
country to be clearly informed of all the acts of the
servants of the Crown, and minutely to scrutinise those
acts when they have come to their knowledge. This
has always been the practice as regards domestic affairs,
but in foreign affairs you will admit that there is
necessarily a different practice. In that case, not only
our own affairs, but those of foreign nations are
concerned; and having had personally a good deal of
experience in such matters, not only in this country,
but abroad, I can assure you that, difficult as
negociations sometimes are now, carried on in the ordinary
way, they would become absolutely impossible, if at each
progressive stage they were to be brought before the
public, and to become the subject of public discussion—
of open and free discussion, as in the case of our domestic
affairs. Therefore it is not from the slightest wish to
favour mystery, that the proceedings not only of this,
but of all governments, are withheld from the public
while in an incomplete state, but it is from the danger
of defeating our own objects, from a sense of what is
due to the public interest, that not only this, but all
governments, and all parliaments have sanctioned the
practice—have declined the production of papers till the
negociations to which they referred had been brought
to a conclusion. When the affairs are concluded, then
the public have a right, through parliament or otherwise,
of having the document submitted to them, and of
approving or condemning the conduct of the government."
With respect to the Turkish question, the
subject more immediately at issue, his Lordship said:
"I have no hesitation in telling you that a peaceful
solution of this question has been the object of her
Majesty's government. It would be highly criminal if
the government sought any other solution. Those who
know what are the calamities of war do not rush lightly
into it, and it is our object, if possible, to guard ourselves,
but more especially Turkey, from those calamities.
But, on the other hand, I consider that there is one
calamity greater than war, and that is national dishonour,
a price at which I can assure you peace will not be
preserved by her Majesty's government. As I said at
first, I will not enter at any length into the details of
the policy we are pursuing, but content myself with
saying that we are so fully alive to the British and