NARRATIVE OF POLITICS.

Several large public meetings have been held on the
subject of the Eastern Question, all of them having the
same object to urge the Government to interfere with
energy in supporting the independence of Turkey
against the aggression of Russia. The greatest of these
meetings took place at Manchester and Glasgow. At
the former place the principal speaker was Admiral Sir
Charles Napier, whose characteristic address made a
great impression. After adverting to the long series
of attacks made upon Turkey by Russia, he proceeded
thus, amid the loud cheers of the meeting:—" Let us
consider what will be the consequence to Europe if
Russia remains in the principalities. I believe sixty
years ago there was a distance of nearly 200 miles
between the frontier of Austria and the frontier of
Russia. If you look at the map, you will find now
that they run alongside of each other for nearly
500 miles; and if Russia remains in possession of
the principalities that distance will be nearly
doubled, and on the Danube her frontier, instead
of being eighty miles, will be 300 or 400 miles. Now,
let Russia be once established in those principalities,
and judging by her conduct for many years past,—her
cautious conduct—because she is very cautious, always
at the end of every war acquiring more territory and
more power,—will any man in this meeting believe for
one single moment that if the powers of Europe allow
Russia to possess those principalities she will stay there
content? It is contrary to human nature. It is contrary
to what has taken place since the creation of the world.
On she will go till she gets to Constantinople, then
what a pretty position Europe will be in! She will
have the Baltic to the north, the Bosphorus and the
Dardanelles to the south, and she will stretch her brawny
arms and hug all Europe in her hideous embrace. Do
you think she will stop there? We have seen that
Mehemet Ali, a servant I might almost say of the
Sultan, succeeded in marching from Alexandria across
Taurus, defeating and destroying the Turkish army,
and coming up on the very banks of the Bosphorus.
If the Egyptians could do that, and if the Russians get
to Constantinople, may I ask you what is to hinder
them from marching from there to Egypt, and then
what becomes of your passage to India, I should like to
know? How will your trade be carried on? How will
your communications be carried on, and how will all
your manufacturers send their goods to India? You
will have to return to the Cape of Good Hope. But
instead of that, you have now a free passage across the
Isthmus of Suez, which will be blocked up by Russia.
Will she be satisfied with that? We hear already that
she is intriguing in India with many of the discontented
kings and governors, or whatever you call them, for
really I forget all their names, there are so many of
them, and at some future day India will be destroyed.
I therefore think it our bounden duty, and not only our
duty, but the duty of France, and Austria, and Prussia,
to come forward and insist that Russia immediately
evacuates the principalities. Now I have shown you
what England has done, and what she has not done.
France has gone with us up to the present moment,
but there is even danger there. In the last Eastern
Question Louis Philippe threw us overboard, and that
nearly brought on a war with France. It is left to
Louis Napoleon now to come forward and assist England
to keep up the balance of power in Europe; but suppose
things go wrong, and suppose France sees that Russia
will get to Constantinople, has France no eye at all
upon Egypt herself; and has France no eye either upon
the Rhine? All these things may take place, and
confusion may arise by the success of Russia. Things may
be deranged; there is no knowing how all the powers
will go—every one will perhaps look out for himself;
and I very much fear—and I am sorry to say it—that
we shall not get the lion's share this time. Our navy
has been so reduced and so lowered; so little attention
has been paid during the peace of thirty-seven years
to man it, that when we want men they are not to be
had. The late government voted 5000 men, and they
deserve great credit for so doing: they are no friends of
mine (cheers and laughter), nor the Whigs either
(laughter); but, nevertheless, the Tory government
seeing our danger, not from Russia at that time,
but from France, came down to Parliament, and
asked for an addition of 5000 soldiers, and 500
seamen, which were granted to them by acclamation.
Even Mr. Cobden himself acknowledged in the House
of Commons that he did not resist it, because if they
asked for 20,000 men it would be granted by acclamation.
That showed that the people of England did not
wish to expose their wives and families to be destroyed
by foreigners, and they felt that any power almost, even
a secondary power, in the state we were in, could have
invaded this country. (A Voice—"No, no.") Somebody
calls "No." Let me ask how we could prevent
them? France, for instance, has 500,000 men, and we
have 20,000; and is there no means of crossing the
Channel; The country was not safe; thank God it is
safe now, and I take some credit to myself for driving
them to make it safe. (Cheers.) I did not get much
thanks for it; but you have it now, and you are all
willing to pay for it. Is there anybody here who
grudges to pay a half per cent more of his capital to
insure safety and tranquillity to his hearth and his wife
and family? I dare say you have all read Lord
Aberdeen's speech the other day, when he was feasting at
the Mansion-house, after eating turtle-soup. After
being well entertained there, he said, and said properly,
that the policy of the government was peace; that he
would maintain peace as long as he possibly could;
that he was reluctant to go to war; but if war was
demanded—mark you—and plainly demanded, if
consistent with the honour and interest of this country, he
would go to war. Well, what he meant by that is, if
England demands that we shall go to war, he is ready
to go; but England will not demand war unless she
sees it is absolutely necessary for the honour and interest
of the country. You are all prosperous now, all making
money as fast as you can, particularly in Manchester;
but you are not quite sure you will make that money if
you are at war. Therefore there cannot be a doubt
that this meeting, and every meeting throughout Great
Britain, if they do follow this that takes place will
desire peace, and will not drive the ministry into war
unless it is absolutely necessary. Now, I am just as
fond of peace as any of you, and am almost too old to go
to war; but nevertheless, if the honour and interest of
this country demands it, I am perfectly ready to come
forward and shed the last drop of my blood for the
honour and credit of the British people."