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AT the present moment, a large share of
the world's attention is directed to Italy, and
more especially to Naples, where the
atrocities committed by the government in the
name of order and the divine rights of kings,
are loudly calling for redress; while naval
squadrons are assembled in the Mediterranean
to awe the tyrant, and reduce him to
policy more just and humane. We purpose
to give a short sketch of the state of things
there, and leave to our readers the task of
drawing their own conclusions from the facts.

It will be remembered that, in eighteen
hundred and fifty-one, Mr. Gladstone
published two letters to Lord Aberdeen, giving
an account of four months' residence and
inquiry into the condition of affairs at Naples.
His statements were first privately communicated
to the Neapolitan government, but
remained unnoticed by it. He had no alternative,
therefore, but to publish them for the
sake of common humanity. An official reply
emanated from Naples; but, like many other
official documents, it was full of mystification
and untruth. Mr. Gladstone rejoined, and
the correspondence dropped; but the events
of the succeeding five years have more than
confirmed his assertions. With an alteration
of names in a few cases, and with no alterations
at all in others, events recorded in
eighteen hundred and fifty-one, are true of
eighteen hundred and fifty-six. Thus the
letters may be safely taken as the basis of our
account; and, being now out of print, a
resumé of them may not be unacceptable.

The acts of the Neapolitan government are
objected to as contrary to the laws both of
the State, and of natural justice. In January,
eighteen hundred and forty-eight, the king
voluntarily gave a constitution to his
subjects, providing, among other things, that the
monarchy was to be limited, constitutional,
and under representative forms, with the
legislative power residing jointly in the king
and the national parliament. But, chiefly,
article twenty-four declared that "personal
liberty is guaranteed. No one can be arrested
except in virtue of an instrument proceeding
in due form of law from the proper
authority,—the case of flagrancy or quasi-
flagrancy excepted. In the case, by way of
prevention, the accused must be handed over
to the proper authority within the term, at
farthest, of twenty-four hours; within which
also the grounds of his arrest must be
declared to him." In May of the same year, a
struggle occurred between the king and his
people, in which the former gained a complete
victory. But he renewed the constitution,
and declared it irrevocable, nor has it
ever been formally abolished. How he has
kept the promise made under the most
solemn oaths, we are now about to inquire.

The great instrument of tyrannical government
is the police; not the respectable and
trusty force which exists in our own land,
but one which is feared and hated by all who
come in contact with it, and which sometimes
even despises itself. An anecdote will best
confirm this. Bolza, a well-known police-
agent at Milan, died a year or two ago. In
the revolution of eighteen hundred and forty-
eight, the private notes of the government
were discovered; which, after a number of
not very flattering epithets, described him as
understanding his business, and being right
good at it. In his will, however, he forbids
any mark to be set over his grave, his sons to
enter the police force, or his daughters to
marry any member of it. Let it also be
borne in mind that at Naples the head of the
service is a cabinet minister; and, as shown
in the instance of Mazzawho lately, in his
official capacity, insulted a member of our
embassyof great influence, and on intimate
terms with his royal master.

How does this police act? So far from an
arrest being made according to law, upon
depositions and a warrant, it is a purely
arbitrary seizure of all whom the government
wishes to get rid of. The victim is
brought to the police-office, questioned and
bullied till he utters something which can be
wrested against him; false witnesses are
employed; counter-evidence refused; and, at
last, a statement thus obtained is embodied
in a warrant, and the arrest becomes legal,—
at least, as to the letter of the law. Were
the process speedy, and a fair trial possible in
the end, the evil would be less. But sixteen
months is the shortest time Mr. Gladstone
ever heard of as elapsing before the accused
is put on his trial; and in the present year,
Mignona and his fellows have been

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