Australia, are going on to a large extent in the country.
Every favourable letter from friends located beyond the
Atlantic tends to create a wish to follow those who have
gone before. And as many of these letters contain
money to assist relatives at home in their voyage to the
land of adoption, it need not be thought strange that
so many thousands betake themselves to join the
successful pioneers."
NARRATIVE OF FOREIGN EVENTS,
THE Eastern Question continues throughout Europe,
to be the engrossing subject of public interest. The
Emperors of Russia and Austria had a meeting at
Olmutz in the last week of September, when they passed
two or three days together, in military spectacles and
private conferences. The two Emperors and the King
of Prussia have since met at Warsaw. The results of
these meetings have not transpired.
On the 4th of October (the first day of the year in
Turkey) the Manifesto of the Sultan, containing a
declaration of war against Russia, was publicly read
in all the mosques. This important document, which
takes a review of the whole question, intimates the
course to be pursued towards Russia, and assigns the
reasons for adopting it, is in the following terms:—"In
the present state of circumstances, it would be
superfluous to take up from its very commencement the
explanation of the difference which has arisen between the
Sublime Porte and Russia, to enter anew into the detail
of the diverse phases which this difference has gone
through, or to reproduce the opinions and judgments of
the government of his Majesty the Sultan, which have
been made public by the official documents promulgated
from time to time. In spite of the desire not to restate
the urgent reasons which determined the modifications
introduced by the Sublime Porte into the draft of the
note prepared at Vienna (motives exposed previously in
a note explanatory of the modifications), yet new
solicitations having been made for the adoption, pure and
simple, of the said note, in consequence of the
non-adhesion of Russia to these same modifications, the
Ottoman Government, finding itself at present compelled
and forced to undertake war, thinks it a duty to give an
exposition of the imperious reasons tor that important
determination, as well as for those which have obliged
it not to regulate this time its conduct according to the
counsels of the great Powers its allies, although it has
never ceased to appreciate the benevolent nature of their
suggestions. The principal points to which the Government
of his Majesty the Sultan desires to give
prominence are these:—That from the very beginning his
conduct has furnished no motive of quarrel, and that,
animated with the desire of preserving peace, he has
acted with a remarkable spirit of moderation and
conciliation from the commencement of the difference unto
the present time. It is easy to prove these facts to all
who do not wander from the path of justice and equity.
Even supposing that Russia had a subject of complaint
in relation to the Holy Places, she ought to have
circumscribed her actions and solicitations within the limits
of this question alone, and ought not to have raised
pretensions which the object of her complaints could not
sustain. She ought not, moreover, to have taken
measures of intimidation, such as sending her troops to
the frontiers, and making naval preparations at Sebastopol,
on the subject of a question which might have
been settled amicably between the two powers. But it
is evident that what has taken place is totally contrary
to an intention of amicable settlement. The question of
the Holy Places had been settled to the satisfaction of
all parties; and the Government of his Majesty the
Sultan had testified favourable dispositions on the
subject of the guarantees demanded. In short, Russia had
no longer any ground for raising any protest. Is it not
seeking a pretext for quarrel then, to insist, as Russia
has done, upon the question of the privileges of the
Greek Church granted by the Ottoman Government,
privileges which the Government believes its honour, its
dignity and its sovereign power are concerned in
maintaining, and on the subject of which it can neither
admit the interference nor the surveillance of any
government? Is it not Russia which has occupied with
considerable forces the principalities of Moldavia and
Wallachia, declaring at the same time that these
provinces should serve as a guarantee, until she had obtained
what she desired? Has not this act been considered
justly by the Sublime Porte as a violation of treaties,
and consequently as a casus belli? Have the other
powers themselves been able to come to any other
decision? Who, then, will doubt that Russia has been
the aggressor? Could the Sublime Porte, which has
always observed all her treaties with a fidelity known to
all, by infringing them in any way, do more than determine
Russia to a proceeding so violent as that of herself
infringing all these treaties? Again, has there arisen,
contrary to the promise explicitly given in the treaty of
Kainardjé, such facts in the Ottoman Empire as the
demolition of Christian churches, or obstacles opposed to
the exercise of the Christian religion? The Ottoman
Cabinet, without desiring to enter into too long details
on these points, doubts not that the high powers, its
allies, will judge with perfect truth and justice on the
statement just exhibited. As to the non-adoption of the
Vienna note in its pure and simple form by the Sublime
Porte, it is to be remarked that this project, although
not in every point conformed to the note of Prince
Menschikoff, and while containing, it is true, in its
composition, some of the paragraphs of the draught note of
the Sublime Porte, is not as a whole, whether in letter
or spirit, essentially different from that of Prince
Menschikoff. The assurances recently given by the
representatives of the Great Powers respecting the
apprehended danger from hurtful interpretations of the
draught note in question, are a new proof of the kind
intentions of their respective governments towards the
Sublime Porte. They have consequently produced a
lively satisfaction on the part of the Government of his
Majesty the Sultan. It must be remarked, however, that
while we have still before our eyes a strife of religious
privileges raised by Russia, which seeks to base its claims
on a paragraph so clear and so precise in the treaty of
Kainardjé; which wishes to insert in a diplomatic
document the paragraph concerning the active solicitude
of the Emperor of Russia for the maintenance in the
states of the Sublime Porte of religious immunities and
privileges which were granted to the Greek rite
by the Ottoman emperors before Russia so much as
existed as an empire, to leave in a dark and doubtful
state the absence of all relation between these privileges
and the treaty of Kutschuk Kainardjé to employ in favour
of a great community of subjects of the Sublime Porte
professing the Greek religion expressions which might
make allusion to treaties concluded with France and
Austria relative to the French and Latin religions—this
would be to incur the risk of placing in the hands of
Russia vague and obscure paragraphs, some of which
are contrary to the reality of facts, and would offer to
Russia a solid pretext for her pretensions to a religious
surveillance and protectorate—pretensions which that
power would attempt to produce, affirming that they are
not derogatory to the sovereignty and independence of
the Sublime Porte. The very language of the employés
and agents of Russia, who have declared that the intention
of Government was no other than to fulfil the office
of an advocate with the Sublime Porte whenever acts
contrary to existing privileges might be done, is a
patent proof of the justice of opinion of the Ottoman
Government. If the Government of his Majesty the
Sultan has judged it necessary to require that assurance
should be given, even if the modifications which it introduced
into the Vienna note were adopted, how in
conscience could it be tranquil if the note were to be
retained in its integrity and without modification? The
Sublime Porte, in accepting that which it has declared
to all the world it could not admit without being
compelled thereto, would compromise its dignity in view of
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