agree in the imposition of the rate. If a mere majority
had the power to impose the rate, and the majority
should happen to be small, that would give rise to
incessant attempts to overturn the previous decision, and
to probably great dissensions in the locality; but if two-
thirds of the representatives of the community gave
their voice in favour of the imposition of the rate, their
decision would probably be generally in accordance with
the sense of the town. In the next place, we think it
necessary that the rate should be applied, not to establish
schools in substitution of former schools, but in aid of the
voluntary efforts of individuals, and of the school-pence
given by the parents of children. We should propose
some such scheme as this—that the rate might be
applied to pay 2d. in the week for the scholars, provided
4d. or 5d. were contributed from other sources. We
should propose likewise, that the schools which should
receive this assistance should be schools which, under
the minutes of Council, might receive assistance, and
which consequently have for years received the sanction
of parliament." If he went beyond a rule of this kind,
he should be afraid of great difficulty; and he instanced
what occurred in Manchester last year; where, so long
as they confined themselves to the schools which, under
the minutes of Council, might receive assistance, no
difficulty arose; but when they tried to frame a plan
for new schools they disagreed. As a similar result
would be a misfortune, "we should not propose that the
power of the town-council should go further than the
appointment of a committee, which should distribute
the sums according to the minutes of the Privy Council.
The town-council committee might be formed partly of
members of the town-council and partly of other persons
resident in the town, who, at least, could get accurate
information with respect to the schools, and see that all
the conditions required by the state were complied with
in the schools. I have said that I shall propose to ask
for leave this evening to bring in a bill to carry into
effect these proposals. We intend that in these schools
the parent should have the power of withdrawing his
child from the religious instruction to which he might
object; for it is obvious that the parent, on the one
hand, would not send his child to a school where the
religious instruction was repugnant to his feelings; and
on the other hand, the school which had a strict rule
that every child must receive religious instruction would
refuse to receive the child of a parent objecting.
However, as the plan I have laid down cannot be
adopted universally, as in many parishes in the country
there may be only one school, and then it would operate
as a hardship on the minority, we propose, by minutes
under consideration, but not yet fully matured, to allow in
certain instances of places, that the municipal corporations
may give a certain sum per head for any child
attending a school. It would be necessary to confine
such grants to those schools where the schoolmasters
have obtained a certificate of merit. The minute on
this point, when fully matured, will be laid on the table
of the house, before a vote is taken with respect to it.
The Committee of Privy Council likewise have
considered the propriety of making additional grants for
building schools in some poor places where there exists
the greatest difficulty in obtaining sufficient funds for
establishing them. I should say that the country
generally may be divided into places of three different
conditions—1st, where the education is already sufficient
in quantity and quality; 2d, where it is not sufficient
either in quantity or quality; and 3d, where the
education is entirely deficient. The first class is already
considerable, and is increasing; the third class is
certainly not very large; but it is the second class which
is the most important of the whole, and therefore
requires the utmost aid and assistance." Lord John
then explained what was intended to be done with
public charities. Paying a high compliment to Lord
Brougham, for his useful labours and striking arguments
on this subject, he narrated how various commissions
had, from 1818 to 1837, sat upon it; and showed from
their final report in the latter year that there were
28,854 charities, with an income of £1,209,395, of which
sum £312,000 was educational. But many evils existed,
and much money has been wasted by the carelessness
of the trustees and by litigation. In one case law
expenses had reduced property worth £3000 to only £15
a year; and there were but too many of the same kind.
Of these charities there were 17,972 under £10, 43 under
£9000, and one each of £10,000, £15,000, £20,000,
£29,000, and £30,000. They proposed to work the
provisions of the bill of last year; but to vary the powers
of those to whom the discretion was referred. They
proposed to vest in a Committee of Privy Council a
power to superintend the working of suits, and to refuse
authority for the institution of a suit except by the
Attorney-General. Also power to vary the trusts with
the consent of the trustees: where the trustees do not
consent, to proceed by bill in parliament. It was
proposed that charities having incomes not exceeding
£30 a year should go to the County Courts, and those
above £30 a year to the Master of the Rolls or the Vice-
Chancellors, who will have special powers intrusted to
them on the subject. The Lord President of the
Council would introduce a bill containing the views of
the government into the other house of parliament.
Referring to the establishment of the Department of
Practical Art, Lord John announced, that, "instead
of sending to certain schools in this country that aid
which has usually been granted, models and particular
forms useful for instruction in drawing should be
furnished as parts of the grant in cases where such assistance
is required for the purpose of improving their pupils in
drawing and in a knowledge of the principles of art.
He now came to the two Universities, and stated the
general views of the government. The commissioners
appointed by the crown had issued reports of the most
valuable kind, and suggesting various reforms. Government
had no particular scheme to propose until the
matter should have been much further considered, and
until the Universities should have had an opportunity
of giving at once their suggestions and adopting such
measures as they might think desirable. But, speaking
of the University of Oxford, the commissioners had
touched on some points upon which it would be as
well to state the views of the government. They were
of opinion that a considerable change is required in the
constitution of the government of the University itself,
and greater power of introducing into the governing
body either professors of the University or tutors.
What should be the form of that body, government
would not pretend to decide; but its attention should be
directed to the subject, and it would be open to suggestions
from the University itself; but should suggestions
not come, or should they fail to meet what is required,
it would be necessary to go to parliament. Government
was not less decided that there should be a power of
admission and of attending to the teaching of the
University, and of acquiring its privileges, otherwise than
by belonging to and residing in the colleges. Another
change which would be necessary, was with regard to
the amount of restrictions which prevail on the subject
of fellowships and their emoluments. He pointed out
especially, that some of the revenues of the colleges
should be devoted to increasing the incomes of professors.
Whether all restrictions as to place of birth should be
abolished or not, he would not say; but merit, and
industry, and study, and ability, should have their due
reward." No doubt (said Lord John), "we must keep in
mind, upon this subject as upon others, the trusts which
have been created. At the same time, I do not think it is
possible to lose sight of the times in which many of these
foundations were made, and of the views which were
entertained, naturally and properly, according to the
belief of those times, and perhaps according to the
circumstances of those times, but which no longer apply to
present circumstances. For instance, it was thought at
one time that it was most desirable that a number of
studious men, perhaps of the ecclesiastical profession,
should devote their time to study and prayer, and
should remain in seclusion from the rest of the world.
Far be it from me to say that those who devoted their
lands and their money to these purposes took a mistaken
view of the benefits that would arise from them. I quite
believe that, in times when no man's house was safe
from the lawless aggression of the armed marauders who
infested the land, and when life was as insecure as
property, the sacred character with which the institutions
so created and endowed became invested, enabled the