men secluded within their walls to preserve and perpetuate
those productions of learning, those great classical works,
which at the revival of letters, were found in the
monasteries and convents, safe there alone from the contest of
passions and the din of arms, which, without, had seemed
to menace universal confusion and barbarism,—far be it
from me, I say, to suggest that the founders of those
institutions were short-sighted in their anticipations, still
less that they were not eminently benevolent in their
aspirations. But the circumstances of the present day,
I need not point out to you, are totally altered in these
respects; and quite sure am I that those same men, who,
animated by the love of learning, established these
foundations, would, were they now living, be among the
first to apply their noble aid to the promotion of an
instruction adapted to the spirit of the age. We may
well, on analogous principles, explain the views which
induced them, in the circumstances of their period, to
impose restrictions on the receipt of their benevolence,
based on the birth locality of its recipients. It is
perfectly intelligible that a man of property in those days,
finding the people of his own county immersed in
ignorance, entirely without the light of letters and of
science, should have formed the idea, that by founding,
in the University of Oxford or Cambridge, a fellowship
appropriated to men of his own county, he should
encourage the prosecution of knowledge among them,
and so promote their general advance in letters and in
civilisation. But the localisation of these great benefits
which, for any such reasons as these, may have been
natural enough in those days, seems wholly unwise and
inexpedient in our own time, when the inter-communication
of thought and of knowledge has been rendered as
rapid as it is becoming universal throughout the land."
He had indicated four objects, which it was proposed
to carry out in the Universities of Oxford and
Cambridge. Another object was, that fellowships in the
Universities, which are attained by study and collegiate
discipline, should not be held for life. After speaking
in the highest terms of the men who composed the two
Commissions, and stating that when such men advised
alterations so extensive, parliament might, without the
imputation of recklessness, apply itself to the improvement
of the Universities, Lord John continued—"I
trust I have made it clear to the house, that we shall
not at the present time, or without giving full
opportunity to the Universities to consider what they
themselves ought to do, propose to Parliament any measure
on the subject. At the same time we shall keep closely
in view those objects in this matter which we deem
essential. If the Universities adopt these objects, and
carry them into effect as far as they can, applying to
parliament for the powers they may find requisite to
the full development of those objects, the government
will gladly concur in that result. If, on the other hand,
the Universities will not take this course—if prejudice
shall prevent those having authority and influence there
from making the alterations which are requisite—then
it will be our duty as a government no longer to hesitate,
but to bring in those measures which we deem
called for by the necessities and expediencies of the
case." Lord John concluded by saying, that although
he had gone over such a wide field, it was impossible
for him to give an adequate notion of the state of the
question or the measures of government; but he felt
that the people of this country would supply his
inadequacy and even the defects of legislation. "I feel (he
said) with respect to these great, these more important
matters, that will happen—which we have seen
happen in the material world and in physical science.
We have seen refuse, which before was allowed to pass
away unnoticed, or at all events disregarded, converted
into the means of giving light, and, as it were, life to
our streets and our towns. We have seen powers of
nature, before deemed noxious and destructive, converted
into a means of conveying, in a few moments, to distant
lands, intelligence that a few short years since it would
have required days, weeks, to transmit—I feel
persuaded, that whatever may be the state of society in
this country at the present moment, there is a power at
our disposal which will draw from the refuse, from the
powers of that society, the means of new
light, new life, new intelligence—the means of
establishing religion and morality on a broad and firm basis,
and, by that extension and consolidation of religion and
of morality, of giving confirmation and permanence to
all the great institutions of this country. We have
here before us a still nobler task, a still greater achievement,
than have been all the wonders of science, all the
acquisitions of knowledge in the material world. I
implore the house to apply its own most earnest attention
to this great subject—resting satisfied with no
words of mine in its exposition—a subject as it is on
which the future happiness and welfare of this country
must depend." Lord John then moved for leave to
bring in a bill for the Extension of Education in
England and Wales.—In the debate which ensued, Mr.
EWART said he was deeply grateful for this measure,
which was a great advance in the right direction,
although it did not fulfil all the requirements of the case.
—Mr. Hume thought the great object in view would not
be thoroughly attained until the secular system of
education was adopted; and he argued that an education-
rate was as important as a poor-rate.—Mr. Milner
GIBSON wished that government had waited for the
report of the Committee now considering the practicability
of supporting denominational schools in corporate
towns by means of rates, before they dealt with that
branch of the subject. There was an important omission
in the noble lord's speech. He did not state what had
become of the minute of the Privy Council of the 12th
of June, 1852, which transferred from the laymen to the
clergy of the Church the management of schools in more
than religious matters.—Lord John RUSSELL replied,
that the minute would not be enforced, but cancelled;
and power of appeal to the Lord President and the Bishop
would be given by another minute to the clergyman in.
the case of a schoolmaster of immoral conduct or habits.
—Mr. W. J. FOX regarded the proposition of an
educational rate as a most important step in the progress
of public instruction. He explained that "secular
education," which had been made a perfect bugbear in
this country, did not mean the exclusion of religion
from education. Its advocates required that there
should be no education without the religious element;
but they contended that the clergyman was a better
trainer in religion than the schoolmaster. The difficulty
had been overcome in Ireland, in Canada, and the
United States. But the recognition of the principle of
a rate, by Lord John, had laid the foundation of an edifice
which would not only do honour to his own name, but
redound to the happiness and glory of the country.—
Sir Robert INGLIS objected to the scheme brought
forward by Lord J. Russell. The noble lord, the leader
of the government in that house, whose courage was
proverbial, was not content with calling the attention
of the house to the state of education in England and
Wales, of which he had given notice, but he had
gratuitously introduced the whole question of the
charities of England. The Universities of Oxford and
Cambridge might be included in the word "Education;"
but he had had no previous intimation that they would
form a part of the discussion of the evening. And he
gave Lord John, "fair warning" that he must not
expect from him any support to either of the four
propositions of the government. Was it wise and expedient
to throw out his suggestions in the terms and manner he
had done; especially after he had stated that he would
not legislate on the Universities this session? The
Universities had been given to understand that four
measures were required of them. If they were effected
without troubling him or the government, Lord John
would be content; if not, they would be enforced under
peine forte et dure. He saw great difficulties to the
proposals brought under their notice that evening.—Mr.
PHINN strongly advocated compulsory education for the
"savages" of society, who had no other means of
support than that of preying on their fellow subjects.
He also expressed his disappointment that the schools of
Eton, Westminster, and Winchester, were not to be
brought under the dominion of the law; and he appealed
to Lord John Russell, who "had been more timid than
his own Commissioners," to say whether he would allow
the state of things existing at the Universities to
continue? He believed that "young Oxford," many of
the fellows and tutors, were impressed with the necessity